• Lavish Parties, Greedy Pols and Panic Rooms: How the 'Apple of Pot' Col

    From Leroy N. Soetoro@1:229/2 to All on Saturday, May 30, 2020 18:19:03
    XPost: alt.california, sac.politics, alt.politics.economics
    XPost: alt.politics.democrats, alt.fan.rush-limbaugh, talk.politics.guns
    From: leroysoetoro@kaga.com

    https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2020/05/24/up-in-smoke-marijuana- med-men-249301

    The warm California sun shone down on Adam Bierman as he stepped up to the ceremonial ribbon strung across the entrance of his latest triumph: a new
    store on Abbot Kinney Boulevard in Venice, the hottest retail strip west
    of the Mississippi.

    Bierman stood facing a pack of clamoring photographers. Behind him, inside
    the shop, were besuited politicians, including Congressman Ted Lieu, who
    had come out to show their support. The actress Rosario Dawson, now known
    in Washington as Cory Booker’s girlfriend, was also on hand, recording the scene on her iPhone.

    Bierman, who styled himself the Steve Jobs of the “green rush” into legal
    weed, sported a red hoodie emblazoned with a white pot leaf. It was early
    June, 2018, barely a week since MedMen, the cannabis business he led, had
    gone public on a Canadian stock exchange, boasting an implied valuation of
    $1.6 billion.

    “We want the world to walk in and see what the future looks like,” he
    said. “And the future is right here on Abbot Kinney.”

    At the time, MedMen indeed looked to become the Apple of pot, the first mainstream, nationwide consumer brand for the product that drove so many Americans to ingest and invest. Marijuana liberalization was sweeping the country. A nascent industry was taking shape. No company was better poised
    to reap the rewards than MedMen was.

    Then, just a few months after its Abbot Kinney opening, it all began to unravel. The company got hit with a class-action lawsuit from employees alleging labor law violations. Miffed investors sued the founders,
    accusing them of self-dealing and other underhanded tactics. A former
    chief financial officer filed a blockbuster complaint in a Los Angeles
    court accusing the founders of a slew of misdeeds, from manipulating
    MedMen’s stock price, to bank fraud, to seeking private intelligence
    groups to get dirt on their enemies, to calling an L.A. city councilman a “midget negro” and making an illegal straw man contribution to a Nevada politician.

    The suit alleged excessive spending on security—including installing a
    panic room in Bierman’s home—as well as using company funds on the likes
    of a custom Tesla SUV, “pearl-white” Cadillac Escalades, and a salary for Bierman’s personal marriage counselor.

    MedMen and Bierman have denied wrongdoing in those cases, and are fighting
    the claims in court, but investors have lost their patience for nine-
    figure losses.

    In January, Bierman resigned as CEO. The company’s stock now trades for a fraction of what it did just months earlier.

    The company’s fall reverberates far beyond its stakeholders, because its
    glitzy rise was propelled by the promise of an entire industry. Its woes reflect the precarious status of the cannabis business: legalized by
    states but still criminalized by the federal government, its position
    makes traditional bank financing impossible and puts companies at the
    mercy of a patchwork of regulators.

    The industry’s promise has been tarnished, too, by business failures, corruption and concerns over an influx of foreign money.

    Still, as the nation’s most recognizable cannabis brand and one of the industry’s first unicorns—those rare startups that exceed $1 billion in enterprise value—MedMen had a better chance than most to overcome the
    unique challenges of the weed business.

    It hired lobbyists, shaped legislation and funded legalization campaigns.
    It had the backing of powerful politicians. It had a partnership with
    Gwyneth Paltrow’s chi-chi lifestyle brand, Goop, and an award-winning ad directed by Spike Jonze. It had a marketing campaign dedicated to ending
    the “stoner” stigma, part of its plan to make cannabis inviting to
    affluent “Chardonnay Moms” from coast to coast. And for those who still embraced the stoner ethos, it acquired the rights to the Woodstock brand,
    too.

    It hired executives from the ranks of corporate American icons like
    Walmart and Apple, as well as edgy tech firms like Grindr, the gay hookup
    app.

    In addition to its storefront on Abbot Kinney it opened one on Fifth
    Avenue. In writing up MedMen’s Manhattan boutique, Vanity Fair noted that
    the store sat directly across the street from a WeWork location, a setup
    that, at the time, seemed to offer a captive population of potential
    patrons.

    But instead of following in the footsteps of Apple, MedMen has gone the
    way of its 5th Avenue neighbor. It has become the WeWork of weed, an
    overhyped startup whose sky-high valuation has come crashing back down to Earth.

    In the wake of its fall, the firm has left behind a trail of unpaid bills
    and unsettled legal allegations. After riding, and driving, the
    legalization revolution, it has come up against the quotidian realities of local red tape and federal inertia. It has lost more than 95 percent of
    its market value, and an irritated creditor is setting its eyes on the
    deed to Bierman’s waterfront mansion.

    Now, having served as the face of one of the great marketing blitzes of
    recent years, Bierman, 38, has gone uncharacteristically silent. Neither
    he nor his co-founder, Andrew Modlin, 33, responded to requests for
    interviews. Lawyers for the two men at the firm Quinn Emanuel Urquhart & Sullivan also did not respond to requests for comment. A spokesperson for MedMen declined to comment “after giving it some thought.”

    MedMen stands as a cautionary tale of American Wild West capitalism. But interviews with former executives and industry insiders, along with legal filings and public disclosures, show it’s also a flashing red warning
    light that the emerging cannabis industry is not yet ready for
    primetime—even if MedMen’s slick marketing videos are.

    “MedMen may be the most egregious case of a highly capitalized company in
    this space, but look across the space,” said one former executive at the
    firm. “Who’s profitable right now? Who’s feeling really really good about
    it?”

    MedMen, cannabis insiders say, is just the most colorful illustration of
    what happens when a young industry groping toward the world of legitimate
    big business is forced to exist under an uncertain regulatory regime that
    no other sector has to contend with.

    “I hate to say it,” lamented the former executive. “You’re dealing with regulators who are just kind of making it up.”

    “Until you treat cannabis and regulate cannabis like every other business
    is regulated in the United States today,” said Steve DeAngelo, a longtime cannabis activist-turned-investor, who has watched the MedMen saga unfold
    up close, “you will be creating opportunities for mischief.”

    At first, as he recounts the story in interviews, Bierman thought his new client had misspoken. The elderly woman with wild hair kept saying she
    brought in $300,000 in revenue monthly, when she meant to say annually.
    There was no way, he thought, that her run-down little pot dispensary on
    Sunset Boulevard could be raking in $3.5 million a year.

    It was 2009, long before the advent of legal recreational weed, and
    Bierman was not aware of California’s mom-and-pop medical pot industry—if
    you could even call it an industry. At the time, he and his young business partner, Modlin, were running a branding firm, mashing up the names MODlin
    and bierMAN and calling it ModMan. ModMan helped small, wellness-related companies like the old lady’s dispensary upgrade their image.

    When Bierman finally gathered that the old woman had her numbers right, he realized that he was in the wrong business. ModMan became MedMen, and
    Bierman’s trade became medical marijuana.

    For most people, such a radical pivot would be disorienting, but Bierman
    was a restless entrepreneur. His life had more or less been lived in a
    constant state of transition.

    Born in Arizona in 1982, he bounced around the country during his
    childhood before landing, as a teenager, in southern California. Always
    one to show hustle, he posted a 4.0 GPA at La Costa Canyon High School,
    north of San Diego, while playing second base well enough to be recruited
    for college ball, according to a brief item published in the San Diego Union-Tribune during his senior year.

    Even Bierman’s approach to high school partying went above and beyond. At
    17, while his classmates were drinking beers in basements and raiding
    their parents’ liquor cabinets, Bierman rented out a roller rink in
    Oceanside, just up the coast from his hometown. He threw a dance party for students across the region, charging them admission. For music, the
    teenage party promoter hired an up-and-coming hip-hop group from Los
    Angeles called the Black Eyed Peas.

    The party was an entertainment success and a financial disaster.

    “I didn’t do very well on the deal and the Black Eyed Peas ended up not
    being paid and left pretty upset,” Bierman recalled years later. “But hey,
    you know?”

    The next few years of Bierman’s life can be stitched together from old
    news clippings and online bios scattered on the internet.

    After a year at Division III Brandeis University, in Waltham,
    Massachusetts, he was soon back in California, transferring to Los Angeles
    City College, and then the University of Southern California in Los
    Angeles. While still enrolled in college, he set up shop as a sports
    agent, representing friends and teammates.

    It seems business proved a greater draw than either baseball or his
    studies: His LinkedIn profile and other online bios do not indicate he
    earned a college degree, but in 2004, Bierman started the BrandX Group, a marketing and public relations agency.

    Five years later, the BrandX Group hired Modlin, a creative young UCLA
    grad.

    Soon, the pair struck out on their own to found ModMan, and, then, MedMen, which they initially described in news releases as a “spinoff and
    subdivision” of their original startup. (At times, in the early years,
    they referred to themselves as “The MedMen,” but, like “The Facebook” and
    “The Politico,” they eventually dropped the article.)

    At first, Bierman operated dispensaries around L.A. Then, as cannabis legalization efforts gained strength around the country, he sensed a
    bigger opportunity and pivoted again. MedMen got into consulting, helping
    other pot businesses get licenses and organize their operations. In 2012,
    they hosted training courses for aspiring legal weed dealers. Old news
    releases advertise MedMen University, offering a few hours of instruction
    and a certification for a couple hundred bucks. In 2013, according to the
    Los Angeles Business Journal, they dumped their own dispensaries to focus full-time on servicing other businesses.

    In an L.A. pot scene dominated by criminal enterprises and small-time activists, Bierman—dark-haired, solidly built, with the shorter stature of
    a second baseman—was a new sort of presence, a real-life version of the hard-charging talent agent Ari Gold, from HBO’s “Entourage.”

    Modlin, a 2005 graduate of Harvard-Westlake, one of L.A.’s most
    prestigious private schools, maintained a lower profile. Though he was sometimes seen in public—his gaunt figure would emerge to cut the ribbon
    at store openings when Bierman was done talking—he was seldom heard.

    “It’s like Penn & Teller,” explained Rob Kampia, who as the former
    executive director for the Marijuana Policy Project put on several events
    with the duo, referring to the magician team in which one partner does the talking while the other is silent.

    Modlin, whose title was president, enjoyed oil painting and cut a more
    stylish figure than his senior partner, preferring form-fitting pants and T-shirts. Unlike Bierman, who professed to know little about weed before
    he began selling it, the hipper, younger Modlin described himself as a
    longtime connoisseur. “I am a traditionalist,” he told one interviewer. “I prefer to smoke flower the old-fashioned way.”

    Despite all that made MedMen stick out from their competitors in L.A., the
    gray beards of the Bay Area’s more-developed cannabis movement viewed it
    as an unmistakable product of the city, part of a longstanding NorCal-
    SoCal cannabis culture divide.

    Before fears of “reefer madness” swept the nation, pot gained notice in southern California as an alleged public health menace in the earliest
    years of the 20th century. The appearance of marihuana or “loco weed” use
    among the Mexican working classes scandalized authorities, who did not
    seem to realize it was the same substance as the cannabis indica that 19th century American pharmacists had recognized for its medical uses.
    California made possession a misdemeanor in 1913, and raids around L.A.
    ensued.

    While southern California bore the brunt of early enforcement, northern California would emerge as the center of marijuana activism.

    The legalization movement arguably began in San Francisco in 1964, when a
    young hippie named Lowell Eggemeier lit up a joint inside a city
    courthouse to challenge the constitutionality of prohibition. The mantle
    was then taken up by Dennis Peron, a gay Air Force veteran who organized “smoke-ins” across the city and befriended gay rights icon Harvey Milk in
    the 1970s. Peron supplied cannabis to AIDS patients in the 1980s, and
    passed a citywide resolution in favor of legalization before co-authoring Proposition 215, the 1996 ballot initiative that made medical marijuana
    legal in California.

    Steve DeAngelo, 61, is also a veteran of that movement. He wears his hair
    in long, gray braids, like Willie Nelson, and has been hailed as “The
    Father of the Legal Cannabis Industry” by former San Francisco Mayor
    Willie Brown.

    In Northern California, DeAngelo explains, he and his fellow dispensary operators had developed effective community relations over the course of
    years of activism. They participated in civic causes and sponsored Little League teams. When police officers were killed, they contributed to the bereavement fund.

    “Southern California was a very, very different situation,” he said.

    “In Los Angeles, those guys had to buy weed from whoever could come up
    with it,” DeAngelo said, in “much much more dubious circumstance and
    engaging with characters who were much, much more out on the gray-market fringe.”

    The few medical dispensaries that existed in L.A. did so in the shadows, operating for as long as possible until hostile authorities forced them to
    shut down. They would then pop up somewhere else in a perpetual game of whack-a-mole.

    “They honed their cannabis chops in the era when you opened a shop you had
    to expect it would be shut down in eight or six or ten weeks,” DeAngelo
    said of MedMen, arguing that this environment fostered a fly-by-night
    ethic.

    To this day, the northern California cannabis scene continues to be
    associated with activism, while the southern California scene remains associated with criminality.

    “Free pot for the poor: Berkeley council codifies what many cannabis

    [continued in next message]

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)